18-04-2020
AUDIENCE OF ONE - Donald Trump, Television, and the Fracturing of America
by James Poniewozik
NOTA DE LEITURA
O autor deste livro fez crítica de televisão no The New York Times
durante mais de 16 anos. Aqui ele acompanha a carreira de Donald Trump e
explica como ela é paralela à expansão da televisão. De tal modo Trump
acompanhou a televisão americana que por vezes parecia que a programação
tinha como fim os interesses dele a daí o título “Audience of One”.
Trump não lia nada ou quase nada mas passava tempos infindáveis a ver
televisão. De tal maneira que os estúdios chegaram a emitir um sinal
para verificar se Trump estava a ver o programa e ele respondia
afirmativamente.
A utilização da televisão por Trump vinha já de muito longe. A TV fez
de Trump um personagem que não se identifica com ele, mas
com o que ele quer representar: Trump é substantivo, Trump é
também adjectivo.
Trump não olha a meios para atingir os fins. A certa altura lançou o
boato de que Obama não era americano, que teria nascido no Quénia. Claro
que Obama divulgou a reprodução da sua certidão de nascimento em
Honolulu-Hawaii.
Em 1980, Trump emergiu como uma personalidade da TV. Foi nessa altura
que começou a atirar-se aos imigrantes mexicanos, a falar na construção
de um muto que lhes barrasse a entrada, que seria o México a pagar o
muro, etc.
Insultava os
oponentes: Ted Cruz – liar,
Jeb Bush is low energy, Hilary Clinton is crooked.
Jason,
um jovem Cubano - Americano residente na Flórida explicava assim
porque votava em Donald Trump: He believed “Trump is fucking crazy” as
well as racist against Hispanics like himself. But he planned to vote
for him anyway. “The whole system is fucked, so why not vote for the
craziest guy, so we can see the craziest shit happen? … At least Trump
is fun to watch.”
– MAKE
AMERICA GREAT AGAIN
A certa altura Trump adoptou este slogan de Ronald Reagan. Chamaram-lhe
a atenção, Trump não se
importou com isso, disse que ele não registara a patente.
A Convenção Nacional Republicana em 2016 foi um desastre. A organização
era péssima. – O discurso de Melania plagiava texto de Michèle Obama.
Trump considerava-se o único candidato porque o outro (Hilary Clinton)
era uma mulher. Era o 1.º candidato branco sucedendo a um negro.
Sendo Clinton mulher, não contava:
o homem é forte, a mulher é fraca
Eleição em Novembro de 2016
Apareceram várias mulheres (pelo menos três) que ele tinha molestado ,
mas ele conseguiu passar
Trump é viciado em TV. Não
lê, só vê TV. A TV tornou-se a linguagem da Administração Trump
A TV era o leite materno de Trump.
Trump diz que ele nunca chorou. Os bébés é que choram. Eu não sou bebé,
diz ele.
|
THE NEW YORK TIMES
Which Came First, Trump or TV?
By Gary Shteyngart
Sept. 6, 2019
AUDIENCE OF ONE- Donald Trump, Television, and the
Fracturing of America By James Poniewozik
If TV execs were asked to classify James Poniewozik’s
illuminating new book, “Audience of One: Donald Trump, Television, and the
Fracturing of America,” they might use the term “dramedy.” Poniewozik is a
funny, acerbic and observant writer. He calls Melania “the most Trump-like of
Trump’s wives, with a model’s glower that matches his own,” and remarks of
Trump’s relationship with cable news, “He pushed the drug, and he got high on
it.”
But Poniewozik, the chief television critic of this
newspaper, uses his ample comedic gifts in the service of describing a slow-boil
tragedy. If humor is the rocket of his ICBM, the last three years of our lives
are the destructive payload. Along with the TV critic Emily Nussbaum’s spot-on
observation of Trump’s connection to the humor of, in her words, the “dark and
angry” borscht belt comics, and the cultural and political critic Frank Rich’s
unsparing account of the role New York’s liberal establishment played in Trump’s
rise, Poniewozik brings a new microscope with which to analyze the
drug-resistant bacterium that is our president. And while there is certainly
room to examine collusion and Russian interference and the outdated institution
that Homer Simpson once referred to as the “Electrical College,” this book is
really about the role played by all of us, the faithful citizens of TV Nation.
Perhaps the greatest accomplishment of “Audience of One” is that it makes
Trump’s presidency seem almost inevitable. Of course he won. This is the United
States we’re talking about. The same way Boris Johnson tapped into Britain’s
inner erudite buffoon, so Trump tapped into our inner core, which all too often
turns out to have comprised midnight cheeseburgers and hormonal TV childhoods.
I once caught some friendly fire on Twitter for trying
to discuss Trump’s behavior in a way that would suggest he had a personality
worth exploring. Poniewozik evades this line of thought by asserting that Trump
is TV, the mere simulacrum of a human being projected onto a
flat-screen. He grew up with the dawn of television and a TV-watching mother.
Over the years, Poniewozik writes, Trump “achieved symbiosis with the medium.
Its impulses were his impulses; its appetites were his appetites; its mentality
was his mentality.”
For a certain generation, “Audience of One” will
resonate most as a deep dive into our television consciousness before the Jimmy
McNultys and Hannah Horvaths took over prestige TV. It is an examination of how
our wants were shaped by television, which swiftly moved away from the
working-class dramas and comedies of the 1970s (think “One Day at a Time” or
“All in the Family”) and toward the 1980s materialism of “Lifestyles of the Rich
and Famous” and the knit ties of Alex P. Keaton. Trump entered the Reaganized
media sphere at the perfect time, and he never left. The audience wanted “a
braggart who lived large and said that it was O.K. to want things,” Poniewozik
writes of Trump’s many television appearances in the 1980s and beyond. To most
New Yorkers, Trump was known as a world-class bankrupt and malignant schnorrer,
but shows like “Sex and the City,” on which he made a guest appearance, turned
him into “a dashing, bemused man in a business suit or black tie, spending
money, dispensing advice, insults and baksheesh.”
“Audience
of One” is worth the price of admission just for its brilliant dissection of the
1980 film comedy “Caddyshack,” which I had mostly remembered for Bill Murray’s
battle with some species of marmot. In Poniewozik’s take the movie is a prophecy
of our current nightmare, a conflict between “the stuffed shirt Judge Smails,”
representing the G.O.P. of yore, and Rodney Dangerfield’s real estate developer,
Al Czervik, who “wears ridiculous loud jackets rather than the judge’s
ridiculous preppy nautical wear.” Poniewozik then writes: “This particular
archetype of wealth especially served Trump later, particularly in the 2016
Republican primary, when he essentially ran as Al Czervik.”
The book then pivots toward the rise of the prestige TV
antihero, which in characters like Tony Soprano, the burly, perpetually
aggrieved New Jersey don, captured a strain of Trump’s “oy is me”
tristate humor. These shows certainly reinvented how we approached the mostly
male antiheroes, but it is difficult to imagine how any TV writers’ room worth
its salt would ever sign off on someone as one-dimensional as Trump. For all his
ill deeds, Tony Soprano loved his children and his wife (can you imagine him
sexualizing his daughter as Trump has done?). Walter White certainly understood
climate science. Don Draper read a book or two, and not merely the volume of
Hitler’s collected speeches Trump reportedly kept by his bedside. And yet, when
it came time for the election, Trump pulled off a Walter White-style gambit in
“keeping the audience on the side of the antihero by convincing them that his
enemies were even worse.”
Poniewozik then delves into the advent of reality shows
as a continuation of the antihero genre. He quotes a supervising editor on “The
Apprentice” — without which Trump arguably would never have become president —
describing the show’s mission as “Make Trump look good, make him look wealthy,
legitimate.” But Trump’s years on the often low-rated show fully prepped him for
his famous descent down the escalator and his rise to the debate podium. He
“recognized intuitively what the televised debates were: an elimination-based
reality show.” Moreover, the cheesy “boardroom” of “The Apprentice” would
ultimately become “a direct blueprint for Trump’s administration, a dogpile of
competitors, cronies and relatives throttling one another daily for survival.”
The presidency has become what it never was under Obama
or Clinton or the Bushes, no matter how different their governing styles or
agendas. It has become “Must See TV.” Despite the apparent bedlam, special care
is taken to make sure that the plotlines, in industry parlance, “hook,” and that
the characters always say crazy, unexpected things. Ever thought you’d see a
Jewish white supremacist in the White House? Well, now you have. A renowned
neurosurgeon who mistakes Hamas for hummus? Send him in. Anthony Scaramucci,
whatever he was? Check.
Still, Poniewozik never underestimates Trump’s
malicious genius (as so many of us have). “He had a genuine ability to
improvise,” he writes of “The Apprentice.” “He knew instinctually what the
camera wanted.” As the traditional three-network news audience, united in at
least the concept of human decency, fractured, the future president
presided over campaign rallies that appeared “like something out of ancient,
tribal oral tradition. His effect was to erase everything between Gutenberg and
the cathode-ray tube.” Ultimately, it led to a presidency run from the set of
“Fox & Friends,” which “would tell him what a good day he had before the day
even began.”
And with the inception of Twitter, many of us were
conscripted into doing midnight battle with “Florida Christian Mom,” who as
likely came from the St. Petersburg in Russia as the one in the Sunshine State.
We entered an echo chamber that reverberated solely to the sound of one man’s
voice, thinking, perhaps, that “the only cure for this creature that came from
the media … was more media, like a homeopathic cure.”
To that effect, Poniewozik offers few solutions for the
problems that plague the mass media realm, other than a hope for inclusive shows
like “Friday Night Lights,” instead of the us-vs.-them Trumpism of “The Walking
Dead.” He is less a neurosurgeon (though I suspect he would not confuse a Middle
Eastern fundamentalist movement with baba ghanouj) than a general practitioner
with his stethoscope tight on our country’s wheezing chest. He’s got Trump’s
grifter late-night 1-800 number, and he’s got ours as well. “Before he started
his victory speech,” Poniewozik writes of Trump on the fateful night of Nov. 8,
2016, “he searched one more time, over the heads of the crowd, for the red light
of the TV-news camera, the one thing on Earth that was most like him. It never
slept. It was always hungry. It ate and ate and ate, and when it had eaten the
entire world, it was still empty.”
Gary Shteyngart’s latest novel, “Lake Success,” is now
out in paperback.
September 11, 2019
Donald Trump,
Television, and the Fracturing of America
by James Poniewozik
Dwight Eisenhower "became president by winning the war in the European theater,"
writes James Poniewozik in his new book Audience
of One: Donald Trump, Television, and the Fracturing of America.
"Donald Trump became president by winning the 9 p.m. time slot on NBC."
But
Trump isn't just on TV,
according to Poniewozik. He is TV.
Over the course of his life, Trump "achieved symbiosis with the medium," he
argues. "Its impulses were his impulses; its appetites were his appetites; its
mentality was his mentality."
Poniewozik does not, of course, mean all TV. Trump is not Gilmore
Girls.
Trump is not the Great
British Bake Off or Friday
Night Lights or Frasier or Glee,
or any kind of TV show grounded in a presumption of empathy for other people.
Poniewozik makes the convincing case that the more Darwinian genres of TV —
reality, sports, cable news — have legible, internally coherent moral teachings
and ideologies, and that these both shaped Trump and helped create the cultural
conditions for his rise. Those messages include:
"That life is a constant, zero-sum competition, and if you are not beating
someone then someone is beating you. (The lesson of sports and game shows.) That
the best response to any controversy or crisis is to heighten the conflict. (The
lesson of TV news.) That people perform best when set to fight against one
another for survival. (The lesson of The
Apprentice.)
That there is no history or objective truth beyond your immediate situational
interests, and that reality resets with every tweet or click of the remote."
Poniewozik is a witty, acrobatic guide through recent decades of TV, tracing the
cultural forces that led to Trumpism, touching on everything from Dire Straits' Money
for Nothing ("like
a concert opening act for Trumpism"), to the glitz of the Reagan years, to
Archie Bunker ("Trump's sitcom John the Baptist") and the rise of the TV
antihero ("in literary terms a protagonist without conventional noble
attributes; in layman's terms an a--hole you find interesting."). These
antiheroes, bigots, pugilists, and narcissists lit the way, Poniewozik argues:
To get to Trump, we first needed Tony Soprano, pro wrestling, reality TV, and
maybe even Batman.
Poniewozik is especially perceptive about the
incentives of cable news, and how CNN in particular built a business model on
people not wanting to look away from disasters. "Trump was a plane that crashed
every day, a Poop Cruise in perpetuity...He was a one-man solution to the
problem of what to do when there was no breaking news."
Reading Poniewozik is like watching a motorcyclist zip
around traffic. (Traffic being the wider history of populism, values voters,
demography, etc.). He is abundantly smart, and you get the sense that he's just
tossing out connections and theories the way you might scatter bread crumbs to
pigeons. "Someone else can sort that out," he writes of every other political
and cultural consideration in Trump's rise.
But the book's largest omission is a serious
consideration of Trump's supporters. You can easily see how Trump's belligerent,
spiteful performances would get him attention. But what happens in that small,
crucial distance between attention and support?
Between a TV show and person (or book and person) an
alchemy takes place, one that has to do with who the person is and what they
care about. People have complicated inner lives, they weigh their priorities,
they care about abortion or guns or immigration, and these factors affect how
they understand and internalize the messages they receive. It would probably be
hard to write a book that accounts for both sides of the equation, but here is
where a dusting of modesty would help.
Poniewozik's book does contain a quick acknowledgement
that "[p]olitical coalitions are complicated things" and that people vote for
lots of reasons. But when he imagines himself into the minds of Trump voters,
the result feels artificial.
Here, for instance, he describes the religious right
during the Chick-fil-A controversy: "The president of Chick-fil-A denounced gay
marriage; suddenly a chicken sandwich with waffle fries became a religious-right
deep-fried Eucharist." His larger point, about "cultural choices as ideological
markers" is clearly true — it's the simplification, and contempt, that grates.
Over
the course of the book, describing Trump's intended effect, Poniewozik compares
Trump to the Pope, to a "voluptuary prince being carried on a palanquin," to a
"golden god," to the "sun who gave every flower life," and even, in an extended
mapping of the Catholic liturgy onto the structure of The
Apprentice,
to God himself. (Though to be fair, he also compares Trump to a pimp, a
basilisk, and both Gollum and the flaming eye of Sauron.) This is all meant to
be droll, but the idea of MAGA hat wearers as thralls to the golden god onscreen
both underestimates and excuses them.
It
is worth returning to the distinction Poniewozik makes between TV like The
Apprentice and
TV like Cheers:
TV that treats other people as objects and obstacles, and TV that treats people
as though they have interiority. This is also a distinction we can make in how
we treat and think about other people, something related to what the philosopher
Martin Buber calls the I-you interaction,
in contrast to the I-it interaction.
To
be clear, Audience
of One is
both brilliant and daring, particularly when it comes to Trump's image making.
It is a tactile pleasure to read. Poniewozik's sentences zip! His jokes land!
His interpretations shimmy!
But
I couldn't get past that gap, the one between image and audience, the place
where the thinking, digesting, and responding happens. In Poniewozik's reading,
Trump's supporters must be stupid, dazzled creatures, absorbing the darkest
messages of television and regurgitating them uncritically on the ballot. But
people are not mere receptacles of culture. And treating Trump voters as yous
rather than its
— in other words, as though they have interiority, beliefs, and the ability to
weigh options — does not exonerate them. If anything, it acknowledges that they
are fully responsible for the choice they made.